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Macron is on the verge of completing its masterpiece: securing total political control over Bucharest

Photo: Emmanuel Macron and Nicusor Dan

Emmanuel Macron—nearing the end of his presidential term, with a domestic approval rating below 10%, and facing hundreds of thousands of protesters in the streets who have turned Paris into a battlefield—is on the verge of securing an extraordinary victory thousands of kilometers away: in Romania. There, he is set to have a puppet prime minister, completing a picture that already includes his installed man in the presidency—Nicușor Dan. His direct involvement became apparent in December 2024, when he personally called candidate Elena Lasconi—who had reached the second round of the presidential election alongside Călin Georgescu (an election that was subsequently annulled). A few months later, he abruptly dispatched his ambassador in Bucharest to the Constitutional Court with explicit instructions to bar Călin Georgescu from running in the rescheduled elections of May 2025.
At home, Macron is experiencing its worst civil unrest in years following a massive escalation on Saturday, 17 October 2026, which saw over 550,000 people take to the streets nationwide. What began in mid-September as a localized high school student movement has expanded into a sweeping, multi-sector national crisis over the cost of living. At this moment, hundreds of thousands of protesters are on the streets of Paris demanding Macron’s resignation; yet, he remains a major player, completely pulling the strings of the political scene in Bucharest.
Next Tuesday, Romania’s Parliament will vote on a government that, according to the leader of the opposition, was not chosen in Bucharest at all. Luca Niculescu is the nominee.

George Simion, president of AUR, put it bluntly: he alleges that the nomination of Luca Niculescu for Prime Minister “arrived in an envelope, sent directly from Paris.” For millions of Romanians who already feel shut out of decisions about their own country, the claim names something they have felt for a long time. Power seems to be passing over their heads to capitals where they have no vote.
The government has offered no answer that settles critics’ doubts about Luca Niculescu’s background. He made his name as a journalist at Radio France Internationale, where he rose to lead its Romanian service. That is a French state broadcaster, and he spent years building his reputation within it. He then went into diplomacy and served as Romania’s Ambassador to France, a post that placed him at the center of Franco-Romanian relations in Paris for years.
His supporters call this a polished, European résumé. His critics see a man whose whole professional life has been shaped by French institutions and French networks. They ask a simple question: when Paris and Bucharest disagree, whose interests will a Prime Minister Niculescu instinctively defend?

For his opponents, Niculescu is not a one-off. They see him as the last piece of a pattern that began with President Nicușor Dan. Dan was educated in France, studying at the École Normale Supérieure in Paris and earning his doctorate in mathematics there. Critics have long described him as a product of the French academic and political world, and they say his presidency has shown the same leanings.
With a French-educated president and a Prime Minister shaped by French institutions, sovereigntists see a country whose top offices are increasingly run by people they view as more at home in Paris than in Prahova or Maramureș. Whether that is fair or not, the perception is strong and it is spreading.
Over all of this hangs the situation of Călin Georgescu. To his supporters he is not a defendant. He is a political prisoner, kept from speaking at the very moment his voice could change the outcome.
They point to the timing. For months, Georgescu has urged parliamentarians to boycott any vote on a government they consider imposed from outside, warning that “anyone who votes for a government imposed by Paris and Brussels becomes a traitor to their country.” His followers believe the forces they call the “Deep State” fear what he might say if he were free in the days before Tuesday’s vote. In their view, restricting him is less about justice than about guaranteeing a result.
The authorities insist the case against Georgescu is a legal matter handled by independent institutions. Many Romanians no longer trust that answer, and that loss of trust may be the deepest crisis of all.
A nation’s sovereignty is rarely taken in one blow. It is surrendered in signatures, appointments and votes that each seem reasonable when you look at them alone. The question before Parliament on Tuesday is not only whether Luca Niculescu will become Prime Minister. It is whether Romanians still believe that the people governing them answer to them first.
Every Member of Parliament will have to look their voters in the eye afterward. Whatever they decide, Romanians will remember who stood where.
By Roberto Casseli

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