For the United States, the possible sale would strengthen the pressure system on Iran, after that the fifth-generation aircraft has already been requested by the United Arab Emirates.
For Doha, on the other hand, the possession of the F-35 would mean reinforcing the growing ambitions on various Middle Eastern issues.
Qatar has already presented a formal request in Washington. However, the supply in question is not going to be easy, given the necessary approval by the US Congress.
In fact, on the merits, the Congress of the United States of America seems rather opposed to selling such a strategic military product. Also not to be underestimated is the election result of next 3 November, Trump v. Biden, which could therefore lead to the transformation of the entire US administration.
In addition to these factors, it must be underlined that many people in the American political world do not trust Qatar for its ties with Hamas and Iran.
What clearly emerges from this request is that the Joint Strike Fighter F-35 confirms itself as Washington’s favourite instrument for strengthening alliances and at the same time the system coveted by the countries that want to be more protagonists on the international scene.
In fact, if for the United States selling the F-35 to Qatar would mean strengthening the system of pressure on Iran, for Doha, it would mean reinforcing the growing ambitions on various Middle Eastern issues.
A few weeks ago, receiving Qatar’s Foreign Minister Mohammed bin Abdulrahman al-Thani in Washington, Secretary of State Mike Pompey explained his intention to strengthen relations to make Qatar one of the largest non-Nato allies of the United States.
However, the resistance, especially from Israel and Saudi Arabia, was predictable.
As far as Saudi Arabia is concerned, Riyadh has given its approval to the possible supply of arms to the United Arab Emirates while it is strongly opposing the supply to Qatar. The Saudi opposition is given by several factors.

In fact, for at least four years the “rift” between the Gulf countries has resulted in a substantial regional isolation of Qatar, accused by the other monarchies (together with Egypt) of supporting Iranian ambitions in the Middle East region and offering support to the Muslim Brotherhood and fundamentalist groups such as Hamas.
Doha, in fact, is one of the protagonists of the internal confrontation within Sunni Islam, which essentially concerns the future of political Islam in which Turkey, supported by Qatar, wants to make itself a protagonist (and protector) and to which Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates are determinedly opposed.
It should also be pointed out that the sale of the F-35 to Qatar would exacerbate tensions with Riyadh also from a military point of view, because Saudi Arabia, despite being the first arms importing country in the Middle East/North Africa macro-region in the period 2015-2019 (29.5% of total arms supplies to the region) does not currently possess that particular and strategic military aircraft so coveted.
There is also very strong opposition from Israel, similar to the one that concerned the hypothesis of selling F-35s to the Arab Emirates, which was only blunted and softened by the Abraham Agreements and, above all, by the important American guarantees on the preservation of the Israeli “qualitative military edge”, i.e. the military-technological advantage that the country has in the region.
In fact, under the US-Israel Strategic Partnership Act of 2014, presidential administrations are required to certify that any major sales of defence products to Middle East governments will not adversely affect Israel’s qualitative military advantage in the region.
These assurances came to Benjamin Netanyahu directly from Mike Pompeo and to Defence Minister and Deputy Prime Minister Benny Gantz from Pentagon chief Mark Esper, now called to reassure the historic ally.
At the moment, however, according to statements made Sunday by Israeli Intelligence Minister Eli Cohen, Israel rejects any US agreement with Qatar on the acquisition of F-35 military aircraft.
The Doha point of view is also clear.
The possible agreement for the F-35s would allow Qatar to push out of isolation, already evident in relations with European countries, and from Washington, it could instead be read as a detachment of the country from Iran.
The Emirate plays an important role in Libya (together with Turkey it is the main sponsor of the National Agreement Government led by Fayez al Serraj) and in other issues of interest to the US.
Qatar is in fact home to the largest US military base in the Middle East and in recent years the US has sold both F-15s and Apache helicopters to the country.
It should also be stressed that Doha is the centre of the negotiations for the pacification of Afghanistan, an item dear to the Donald Trump administration also in the context of the current election campaign.
Against the background of these regional manoeuvres, Iran remains the great regional enemy for one reason or another for many of the forces at stake. The United States has therefore for years been helping to arm regional allies, including Qatar, in the hope of countering Iranian influence.
I wonder if this arms race in the Middle East can’t play “very bad tricks” one day…

Michele Brunori